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Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- About the book -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Preface to the English version -- Preface -- Part I: The Loss of a Political Aesthetic -- BEFORE WE START: A quick gallop through the book -- Chapter 1: The European malaise -- Chapter 2: Welcome to European post-democracy -- Chapter 3: Die 'Weimarisation' of Europe and the problem of the political centre ground -- Chapter 4: 'Everything is language', or: European terminology and discourse -- Chapter 5: The wrong solutions, or: A system running on empty -- Part II: Utopia -- BEFORE WE START: Utopia as a thought projection -- Chapter 6: Why a European Republic? -- Chapter 7: The new political order of the European RePublic: building the first post-national democracy -- Chapter 8: The new territorial order of the European RePublic: regions, cities & -- amp -- Europe's Tower of Babel -- Chapter 9: The new economic order in Europe: digital manufacturing -- Part III: Coda -- Chapter 10: For women only: bulls' balls and bonnets - European emancipation -- Chapter 11: #Error404EuropeNotFound#: Europe's young people - creative, digital, post-party activists -- Chapter 12: Europe, we're on our way: the pioneers on the road to a global cosmopolitan society -- Closing remarks -- Appendices -- Notes -- List of figures.

This article focuses on two mass spectacles performed in Paris stadiums in 1937, one Catholic and the other Communist, both of which sought to picture the ideal city with the working people at centre stage. By studying these productions in the light of recent research on fascist theatre and politics, and with reference to the debate on 'modernity' in interwar France, the article explores the French use of theatre in responding to the aesthetic, political and social challenge of representing the masses. The parallels between these two little-known productions can also be used to illuminate a wider rivalry to orchestrate the masses and to portray them as a united national community.

This article examines the political function of state-sponsored proclamationsof future technological developments with regard to the German exampleof 'Industrie 4.0'. Building on a comparison of two classical texts ofthe literary genre of utopianism, Bacon's Nova Atlantis and Morus' Utopia,the article argues that the future visions of 'Industrie 4.0' can be understoodas a techno-political utopia. As such, it is a discursive strategyconsisting of three elements: social mobilization for national competitiveness(nationalism) towards a profitable industry with "men at the center"(solutionism) and without industrial conflicts (corporatism). These elementslimit an open political discussion on desirable digital futures. Thearticle concludes by demonstrating how critical social sciences could contributeto open the discourse from a mere techno-managerial towards atechno-political utopia.

This article examines the political function of state-sponsored proclamations of future technological developments with regard to the German example of 'Industrie 4.0'. Building on a comparison of two classical texts of the literary genre of utopianism, Bacon's Nova Atlantis and Morus' Utopia, the article argues that the future visions of 'Industrie 4.0' can be understood as a techno-political utopia. As such, it is a discursive strategy consisting of three elements: social mobilization for national competitiveness (nationalism) towards a profitable industry with "men at the center" (solutionism) and without industrial conflicts (corporatism). These elements limit an open political discussion on desirable digital futures. The article concludes by demonstrating how critical social sciences could contribute to open the discourse from a mere techno-managerial towards a techno-political utopia.

This EuNaMus report studies how nations develop policy in order to deploy national museums in the redefinition of the national vision. Considering museums as utopian institutions, it focusses on the negotiations between politicians and museum professionals in Europe from 1990-2010. In-depth case studies are presented from France, Norway, Estonia, Hungary and Greece, in order to examine the broad range of change occurring throughout Europe. The report also examines the EU as a new actor in these museum negotiations. The findings indicate that museums have responded to differing circumstances using five broad policy making techniques to engage in national redefinition: re-formulation, re-narration, re-mediation, re-organisation and re-professionalization. The report suggests that national and transnational narratives coexist uneasily in national museums due in large part to three competing utopian visions articulated by Europe's various policymakers: EUtopia, Multicultural Utopia, and National Historical Utopia. How museums can balance these visions is a key issue for these institutions in the years to come. The report is produced within the three-year research programme, EuNaMus – European National Museums: Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past and the European Citizen, coordinated at Tema Q at Linköping University (www.eunamus.eu). EuNaMus explores the creation and power of the heritage created and presented at European national museums to the world, Europe and its states, as an unsurpassable institution in contemporary society. National museums are defined and explored as processes of institutionalized negotiations where material collections and displays make claims and are recognized as articulating and representing national values and realities. Questions asked in the project are why, by whom, when, with what material, with what result and future possibilities are these museums shaped.

In the essay Lun Shangdi Yintui [On the Withdrawal of God], Mou Zongsan (1909-1995) recontexulized the concept of "withdrawal of God," a constant theme repeatedly appearing in Hölderlin's writing, within a set of Confucian literary and cultural parameters, thus inventing for this concept new readers and challenging the long established Confucian tradition of "tian ren he yi" [the unity of heaven and man]. This transformation has important bearing on Mou's political philosophy. Though recognized by many scholars as a political utopia, Mou's political philosophy embodies a utopian impulse that goes beyond the realizable and actualizable in order to bring a fantastic power of transgressing limiting boundaries. In this sense, we find Mou's political philosophy a plausible one and certainly worthy of our reexamination.

for several years, digital humanities have gained importance in the field of social sciences and humanities and have been structured in quasi-discipline. These recent developments call for questions about the role that scientific models take today, but also of technology in humanities and, in particular, their representation of social life. Moreover, it seems important to trace the historical and geographical genealogy of these new research practices in order to identify the political utopies to which they are responsible and whose impact on the changes in progress affects the organisation of research and adapted research, as they now constitute a new continent of social society. In recent years the digital humanities have been important in the field of research in the humanities and social sciences and now a quasi-field of study in their own right. These recent developments call for an examination of the place which scientific models hold today but also of the techniques in the humanities and in particular the representation which they produce of social life. Furthermore, it is important to trace the historical and geographical genealogy of these new research practices to reflect the political Utopias of which they are the drivers and which will impact on the current changes affecting the organisation of research. ; Depuis plusieurs années les humanités numériques ont pris de l'importance dans le champ des recherches en sciences humaines et sociales et se sont structurées en quasi-discipline. Ces récents développements appellent à questionner la place que prennent aujourd'hui les modèles scientifiques mais aussi la technique au sein des humanités et singulièrement la représentation qu'elles produisent de la vie sociale. Par ailleurs, il semble important de retracer la généalogie historique et géographique de ces nouvelles pratiques de recherche pour y déceler les utopies politiques dont elles sont porteuses et dont les conséquences sur les mutations en cours affectent l'organisation de la recherche. odes ...

Our paper is intended to follow the streams of thought along Chinese classicism that fostered hostility towards literary culture and merged into Han Feizi's work, by mid-3rd Century BC. On the one hand, Confucian tradition was prone to an elitist and anti-democratic approach to government, and set a precedent for mistrust in the use of eloquence and bookish culture. On the other, Taoism developed a theoretical contempt towards intellectualism, material culture, and scientific and technical progress, going as far as to fancy unlettered utopias. On the basis of sheer utility and functionality, the Legalist school, whose latest link is represented by Han Feizi, would be receptive to both streams and take mistrust in traditional literary culture to its height. Assimilation of these ideas by Qin Shihuang, the First Emperor, led to implementation of anti-literary radicalism by banning any freedom of speech and, ultimately, by burning books and erudites. Mutatis mutandis, we suggest that a connection may be drawn between that historical process and today's Neoliberal hostility towards the Humanities. ; Nuestro artículo recorre las corrientes que a lo largo del clasicismo Nuestro artículo recorre las corrientes que a lo largo del clasicismo chino propiciaron la hostilidad hacia la cultura literaria y confluyeron en la obra de Han Feizi, a finales del siglo III a.C. La tradición confuciana favoreció una concepción elitista y antidemocrática del gobierno al tiempo que sentaba los precedentes de una desconfianza hacia el uso de la elocuencia y la cultura de la palabra y el libro. El taoísmo manifestó hostilidad hacia el intelectualismo, la cultura material y el progreso científico y técnico, llegando a formular claramente utopías ágrafas. Sobre la base de postulados basados en la utilidad y la funcionalidad, el legismo, cuyo último eslabón constituye Han Feizi, recogería ambas corrientes y llevaría al extremo la desconfianza en la cultura literaria tradicional. Asimilando estas ideas, Qin Shihuang, el Primer Emperador, puso en práctica el radicalismo antiliterario con la proscripción de cualquier libertad de expresión y, finalmente, la quema de libros y de eruditos. Mutatis mutandis, el artículo sugiere poner en conexión ese desarrollo con la hostilidad neoliberal contemporánea hacia las Humanidades. chino propiciaron la hostilidad hacia la cultura literaria y confluyeron en la obra de Han Feizi, a finales del siglo III a.C. La tradición confuciana favoreció una concepción elitista y antidemocrática del gobierno al tiempo que sentaba los precedentes de una desconfianza hacia el uso de la elocuencia y la cultura de la palabra y el libro. El taoísmo manifestó hostilidad hacia el intelectualismo, la cultura material y el progreso científico y técnico, llegando a formular claramente utopías ágrafas. Sobre la base de postulados basados en la utilidad y la funcionalidad, el legismo, cuyo último eslabón constituye Han Feizi, recogería ambas corrientes y llevaría al extremo la desconfianza en la cultura literaria tradicional. Asimilando estas ideas, Qin Shihuang, el Primer Emperador, puso en práctica el radicalismo antiliterario con la proscripción de cualquier libertad de expresión y, finalmente, la quema de libros y de eruditos. Mutatis mutandis, el artículo sugiere poner en conexión ese desarrollo con la hostilidad neoliberal contemporánea hacia las Humanidades.

Title on spine: Utopia. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Spec. Coll. copy is part of a collection (Collection 1605). To page this item, use the collection record; to find the collection record, search the title: Nitka collection of fantastic fiction. Item is in box 176. Purchase, Zeitlin & Ver Brugge Booksellers, 1967.

THE UNPRECEDENTED DRAMA OF RECENT EVENTS IN THE COMMUNIST WORLD RESIDES IN THE FACT THAT THIS HAS NOT BEEN MERELY A CRISIS OF ONE REGIME OR THE DEFEAT OF A GREAT, INVINCIBLE POWER. IT HAS BEEN THE TOTAL OVERTURN OF THE GREATEST POLITICAL UTOPIA IN HISTORY. THE FIRST POLITICAL UTOPIA THAT ENDEAVORED TO PASS FROM THE REALM OF THEORY INTO THAT OF FACTS, NOT ONLY DID NOT MATERIALIZE BUT IS BEING OVERTHROWN IN THOSE COUNTRIES THAT PUT IT TO THE TEST.

A political utopia in the pre and post-independence framework can be identified and appreciated in the journalistic work of Fernandez de Lizardi. This utopia is based on social justice, legal equality of all individuals, tolerance and corporal, ideological and editorial freedom. In addition, it is based on the criticism of representative institutions such as the Church and the Court of the Inquisition. Fernandez de Lizardi analyzed and criticized the socio-historical situation of his time and elaborated a series of proposals aimed at achieving happiness for all people through the conception of a just and egalitarian society. ; En la obra periodística de Fernández de Lizardi se identifica una utopía política en el marco pre y post independentista, que se fundamenta en la justicia social, la igualdad jurídica de todos los individuos, la libertad corporal, ideológica y de imprenta, la tolerancia, así como la crítica de las instituciones representativas como el Tribunal de la Inquisición y la Iglesia. El autor analizó y criticó la situación socio-histórica en su época y elaboró una serie de propuestas encaminadas a lograr la felicidad del pueblo, esto es, a concebir una sociedad justa e igualitaria.